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YARR - Youth Against Road Rage Organization Aggressive Driving Research Findings Here are selected paragraphs from a recent study by The AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety (1997) titled Novice Driver Education Model Curriculum Outline. The original, which is over 100 pages long, It includes References.
I have selected those paragraphs which seem to me to reflect the activities and interests of YARR in relation to lifelong driver's education in general, and novice young drivers in particular. From: Prepared for the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety by: Lawrence Lon aro, Northport Associates Kathryn Clinton, Northport Associates John Brock, Interscience America Gerald Wilde, Queen's University Irene Laurie, Northport Associates Douglas Black, Northport Associates 1995 The number of novice drivers has been declining for many years, and this has reduced new driver losses. However, this trend will reverse over the rest of the decade as the 'baby boom echo' reaches driving age. In addition, economic recession reduces the number of young driver fatalities, so economic recovery may contribute to increased young driver fatalities in the later 1990s. Over the next few years the problem of novice drivers of all ages will take on greater importance. New drivers lack important skills, particularly those needed to acquire and process information. They are less able to maintain full attention and less likely to take in the information they need from the driving environment.
They are not as good as experienced drivers in scanning the environment, recognizing potential hazards while they are still at a safe distance, and making tough decisions quickly. They tend to underestimate the danger of certain risky situations and overestimate the danger in others. What drivers are able to do and what they choose to do are two different things. Knowledge of how to control a car is not as critical to safety as individual motivation: Strong motivation makes up for weak skills better than strong skills make up for weak motivation. Without strong motivation to reduce risk, advanced skills training can lead to more crashes, not fewer.
Risk acceptance is not the same thing as crash acceptance. Few drivers will take a risky action if they know it will result in a crash. Instead, risky choices result from poor risk perception and inability to detect hazards, often coupled with overconfidence.
Good risk detection, good risk evaluation, and strong motivation may support each other. However, if driver education is to produce safer drivers it must reinforce the individual and community factors that positively influence personal motivation and social responsibility. Driver education needs to involve family intervention and must take advantage of the family's strengths in influencing early driving behavior. Parents and guardians need to take a more active and effective role as their children learn to drive.
A major challenge for driver education is to discover how to motivate parents to become more realistic about their children's driving, and about the limitations of driver education courses, without turning them off to formal training. Demographic and economic trends will lead to an increased market demand for driver education in the coming years. The number of young people is increasing (as are health care costs), and the number and cost of crashes will almost certainly increase concomitantly. With a new, more effective driver education curriculum, issues of standards, governance, and teacher and instructor training will become more important. Saa7134 tv card driver free download. In addition, the trend towards privatization of driver education will produce new business opportunities for driving schools, suppliers of instructional materials, and instructor trainers.
Standards for the compatibility of hardware and software will be needed as technology develops and driver education becomes more complex. Streff investigated Michigan collision data for precrash hazardous actions by young drivers (15 to 18 years old). The actions identified, in order of prevalence, were: 1) following too closely; 2) failure to yield; 3) speed too fast; 4) improper lane use; 5) improper turn; and 6) improper backing/start.
The prevalence of these actions declined over individual years, and the hazardous action category 'None' increased. In fatal crashes, the order of the categories was: 1) speed too fast; 2) failure to yield; 3) following too closely; and 4) improper lane use. Rothe (1986) summarized young driver faults causing crashes from a review of literature as follows: 1) failure to keep in proper lane, running off road; 2) failure to yield right of way; 3) speeding; 4) driving on wrong side of the road; 5) failure to obey traffic signs; 6) reckless driving; 7) inattentiveness; 8) overtaking; 9) being fatigued; and 10) poor equipment. Based on violation and collision data, McKnight and Resnick (in Young, 1993 DOT Workshop) summarized frequent youth violations as: speeding, sign non-observance, equipment defects, turning unlawfully, passing unsafely, right of way violations, major infractions, and alcohol.
However, based on observation they concluded, 'Of several hazardous driving practices thought to be engaged in by young drivers, the authors believe that only speeding can be said to occur more often among youthful than among experienced drivers' (p.c-3). Acceptance of shorter gaps when turning was also reported, although they could not relate this to crashes. They point out that young males' higher incidence of rear end collisions could result either from their shorter headway choice or higher speed. Trankle et al. (1990) reviewed predominantly European research and concluded that young drivers are overrepresented in only a few types of crashes: speed-related, loss of control, and nighttime crashes. Inappropriate speed in curves and cutting curves were frequent factors.
Research, evidence addressing the factors accounting for young drivers' excess collision risk was also reviewed in a detailed study by Jonah (1986). He pointed out the inconsistent findings among studies of young drivers' overall perception of their own risk of crashing, compared to older drivers. It was clear that they perceived specific actions, such as speeding, tailgating, or driving impaired, as less risky than did older drivers, and that they rated traffic offenses as less serious. Mourant and Rockwell's (1972) evidence that novice drivers' eye movements show fixations closer to the car, Jonah suggests it means that they are so preoccupied with lane tracking that they lack the spare mental capacity to search ahead for potential hazards. Mourant and Donohue (1977) investigated mirror scanning through eye movement recording and found that novices and even young drivers with considerable experience looked at their mirrors less, and novice' were more likely to make direct looks instead of using the mirrors. The authors recommended finding ways to train for better mirror use.
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Jonah highlights Matthews and Moran's (1986) suggestion that young drivers tend to overestimate the risk of low- and medium-risk situations and to underestimate risk in high-risk situations. He suggests, 'The weight of empirical evidence tends to support the view that young drivers may take risks more often because they are less likely to recognize risky situations when they develop. The evidence seems to be more supportive of this view when the driving situation is specific (e.g., impaired driving, tailgating)' (p.265). This raises the difficult question of why young drivers engage in riskier practices, whether it is caused by failure to perceive risky situations and potential hazards or by greater acceptance of risk. Risk tolerance, risk perception, and skill are seen as the most critical factors for young drivers' crashes by Trankle et al.
(1990), with risk perception seen as most important. In their research, young males rated slides of driving scenes involving dark, hills, and rural environments as being less risky than did older drivers. Young female drivers rated curves as more hazardous.
Young males rated high speeds as less hazardous than did young females. The authors concluded that the underrated situations 'provide few explicit danger signals' (p. This is consistent with other findings that young drivers have a reduced ability to extract the full richness of available information from the environment. We could speculate that this relative inability to extract information from the environment, along with a high need for stimulation, could, in part, account for young drivers' tendency to drive faster than more experienced drivers. This would open the possibility of a skill improvement - better detection of potential hazards - leading to a change in one of the motivational bases of speed choice. Slow or inaccurate hazard detection and choice of high traveling speeds are a particularly risky mix.
Jonah (1986 a and b) provides a good summary of research on the positive and negative value (or 'disutility') of risk for young drivers. He summarizes suggested positive utilities such as: outlet for stress, impressing others, increasing stimulation or arousal, taking control and acting independently, opposing adult authority, frustration, fear of failure at school, and peer acceptance. He lists 'disutilities' of risk as: death or injury, injury to others, property damage and higher insurance premiums, loss of driving license, fines, and parental censure. He also points out the lack of empirical evidence regarding the relative importance of these motivational factors in the young driver's risk equation.
Young drivers drive faster and closer to the vehicle in front of them, they accept narrower gaps and are more likely to run yellow lights. Risk has greater utility among youth primarily in the expression of emotions like aggression, the seeking of peer approval, the facilitation of.feelings of power and the enhancement of self-esteem.
Moreover, there is some evidence that youth tend to underestimate the disutility of risk (e.g., being killed or injured in an accident). This might be a function of young people's perception of themselves as being invincible. Death is a very remote event.for most young people (p.268). Young drivers drive faster and closer to the vehicle in front of them, they accept narrower gaps and are more likely to run yellow lights.
Risk has greater utility among youth primarily in the expression of emotions like aggression, the seeking of peer approval, the facilitation of.feelings of power and the enhancement of self-esteem. Moreover, there is some evidence that youth tend to underestimate the disutility of risk (e.g., being killed or injured in an accident). This might be a function of young people's perception of themselves as being invincible. Death is a very remote event.for most young people (p.268). The inexperienced drivers are perhaps pressured, or at least induced, to drive as fast and at the same short headways as other drivers whose skills warrant them. If this hypothesis is correct, it reinforces the need for rapidly increasing new drivers' hazard recognition and related skills, and for diagnostic feedback for self-awareness of skill and risk.
Differences in young drivers' risky decisions were studied by observation in an intersection situation by Konecni et al. They found that young males traveled much faster on a major arterial road and that they were more likely to run yellow and red lights. However, they were also seen to slow down more often before running the yellow, making it even more likely that they would be caught by the red. Their longer decision time in deciding whether to stop was attributed to their higher speeds and therefore greater distance from the intersection during the critical decision period. Their inexperience may also make it harder for them to respond as quickly in this complex situation, because they do not have the judgment or decision rules as well-established as more experienced drivers. Install evdo modem prices. Wilde sees risk acceptance decisions as being based on the individual's choice of balance between the costs and benefits of choosing either a safer or less safe option. He refers to the preferred balance as the individual's 'target level of risk.'
Relating risk acceptance to education, Wilde (1994b) offers the following definitions: 'By education we mean the effort to enlighten, to civilize, and thus to impart more mature views, beliefs, and values, while training refers here to the instilling of the practical perceptual, decisional, and motor skills. This apparent contradiction could be explained as follows: the belief of being more skilled than fellow drivers increases confidence in one's abilities more than it increases actual abilities. A high confidence in one's abilities could lead to an aggressive style of driving that could lead to more critical situations.
If the driver's increased skill is not in proportion to the increased number of critical situations, then there will be more accidents (p.79). Another problematic element is the apparent large discrepancy that can exist between attitudes, intentions, and actual behavior.
![Driver Improvement Adjudication Unit New York Driver Improvement Adjudication Unit New York](/uploads/1/2/3/7/123736140/635112746.jpg)
Many drivers appear to have 'good' attitudes (and driving skills) yet still drive in a dangerous way because they fail to recognise the problems associated with their own behaviour (OECD, 1994 p.37). While many past road safety efforts have attempted to 'change attitudes,' few have succeeded in changing behavior. Past failures are likely due, at least in part, to the fusize='3y nature of the driver attitude concept. To better focus DE on novice drivers' motivations, the challenge will be to develop a more refined model of the factors that 'drive' driver behavior. These are divided into two basic categories, or 'educable qualities.' First is individual motivation, which includes all the individualistic drives and needs, including self control, risk tolerance, emotions, incentives, disincentives, and stimulus seeking.
Second is social responsibility, which includes a wide range of culturally-determined needs, including 'active caring' (Geller, 1991), leadership, conscientious self-monitoring, and environmental protection. Longer-term improvement of collision rates is a major challenge, probably requiring an influence program stronger than even an advanced driver education curriculum. To improve collision rates per driver enough to offset increased licensing rates for trained teenagers adds to the challenge.
It is possible that no practically implementable education or training package alone will be able to do this. A broader program, including motivational, social, family, and community influences is required. Various other organizations with road safety mandates take an active, though typically sporadic interest in DE, as advocates, critics, research contributors, or evaluators. There appears to be little focus for or coordination among these potentially powerful resources, although reentry of the NHTSA into the field could help to turn this around. Universities serve as academic educators and researchers for DE. The universities can provide interdisciplinary links among safety education, health education, health promotion, and behavioral psychology.
There is no comparable resource in Canada.
![Driver Improvement Adjudication Unit New York Driver Improvement Adjudication Unit New York](/uploads/1/2/3/7/123736140/967790213.png)
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